When he announced his campaign for president in February, it may have been easy to dismiss Vivek Ramaswamy’s unlikely candidacy as a vanity bid put on by a rich man looking to raise his profile, position himself for a Cabinet slot or build a mailing list for a future run for a less-prestigious office. Many of the GOP insiders The Independent spoke to before heading to New Hampshire to cover Ramaswamy had kind things to say about his anti-woke, anti-Environmental, Social and Governance crusading, but were reluctant to say he was more than another rich guy cosplaying as a political candidate. While he does fit that mould, upon a cursory examination, it’s much harder to dismiss Ramaswamy once you see him campaign. One of his first major appearances as a political candidate — a speech at the 2023 Conservative Political Action Conference at a Prince George’s County, Maryland convention centre — demonstrated his undeniable political oratory skills. He had announced his presidential campaign only a week or so earlier, and was given a mid-afternoon speaking slot commensurate with his status as a newcomer who’d never before held office. The first-time candidate used his 15 minutes on the CPAC stage to work the relatively paltry crowd into a frenzy, garnering rounds of applause as loud and enthusiastic those observed for far more popular figures in the conservative political-media universe. He threw out red meat zingers about dismantling the FBI and ending affirmative action on “day one” of his administration, but he also talked about the “national unity” Republicans could achieve by winning such an overwhelming landslide in next year’s election that they could run roughshod over whatever Democratic rump remained in Congress. The crowd at CPAC lapped it up, and while he hasn’t reached a level of support that would enable him to make a serious challenge to Mr Trump, in recent opinion polls his support has equaled or bettered that of more well-known figures, including former Vice President Mike Pence and ex-New Jersey governor Chris Christie. He trails behind Florida Gov Ron DeSantis, but is hoping to make inroads as the campaign progresses. At least two GOP campaign operatives suggested at different times that his campaign is a manifestation of pro-Trump intraparty sabotage — an operation meant to further split the Republican field to the ex-president’s benefit. He was even asked about this possibility at one of his events. He denied it, of course, and it’s hard to see why he’d go through the trouble of putting together a full campaign team, dumping a seven-figure sum from his own pockets into his campaign’s coffers, and put himself out there just to benefit another candidate — especially one who is known not to return favours or have much loyalty to anyone but himself. There was a time, not long ago, when the idea of a 37-year-old without a day of experience in elected office making a run for the highest office in the land would have been written off as the stuff of delusion — or at best, a pitch for a Saturday Night Live skit. For better or worse, Donald Trump’s ascent from reality television host to the summit of American power seems to have permanently upended the notion that experience and traditional qualifications for office are what voters crave in their chief executive, leading to an influx of wealthy gadflies and other long-shots making their entries into presidential politics in hopes of replicating his unlikely journey. “I don’t think that we all say let’s show up at the 50 yard line, hold hands, compromise, sing Kumbaya, and that’s how we get on with it” Vivek Ramaswamy With an estimated net worth of roughly $630m — gained largely from a string of investments in pharmaceutical and biotechnology startups — Ramaswamy certainly qualifies as uber-wealthy. He has been a fixture on Fox News and other right-wing networks during the Biden era, and he’s made a name for himself as a crusader against all things “woke” through a string of books lambasting efforts to tackle racism and increase diversity in the corporate ranks, as well as “stakeholder capitalism” and the use of ESG criteria by investors and asset managers. His campaign has been prolific in online fundraising, and when the Republican National Committee announced debate participation criteria that requires candidates to garner donations from more than 40,000 individuals, he easily met that threshold. And while he may be caught in Mr Trump’s shadow this time, he clearly possesses some raw political abilities that could serve him well should he choose to remain in electoral politics after this election cycle. At a New Hampshire diner, it was clear that Ramaswamy, whose middle-class upbringing in Ohio gave way to elite education at Harvard University and Yale Law School, knew how to work the room. Both on the stump and in one-on-one conversations, he projects preternatural confidence, rattling off complex answers about his view of how he’d govern as president. He laced his remarks with a far more positive air than the GOP frontrunner, who constantly claims that America without him at the helm is “a nation in decline”. Though he hardly ever mentioned Mr Trump’s name, Ramaswamy took direct aim at the ex-president’s pessimistic outlook on the United States, telling the diner crowd that he doesn’t believe that description has to fit America. Instead, he describes the country he wants to lead as “going through adolescence” with the accompanying crises of self-confidence. “I really think we’re just a little young, actually, as a country, going through our own version of adolescence, figuring out who we’re really going to be when we grow up … You go through adolescence, you go through an identity crisis, you go through self doubt, you lose your confidence. You lose your sense of who you are. But we get to adulthood stronger on the other — I think where we are as a country, I don’t think we have to be in decline. I think we might be in our ascent,” he said. Yet for all his optimism and self-confidence, the first-time candidate also showed signs that he may be in over his head. Ukraine ‘peace’ plan Ramaswamy’s predilection for right-wing rhetorical tropes over a solid command of the facts became further evident when the topic of discussion turned to the reason Ramaswamy’s campaign had invited The Independent to ride along with him in New Hampshire: His plan to end Russia’s war against Ukraine. That conflict, the worst land war on the European continent since the defeat of Nazi Germany, is, according to most experts, one born out of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s arrogance and epic miscalculations of how the West would respond to an all-out effort to topple the pro-western government in Kyiv. While those on the more traditional side of the Republican Party field such as Pence and former South Carolina governor turned UN Ambassador Nikki Haley, have been steadfast supporters of US efforts to bolster Ukraine’s defence forces, Ramaswamy’s more populist instincts have him hewing closer to the side of Trump, who, as the invasion kicked off last year, praised Mr Putin’s aggression as “genius”. The basic premise of his “peace plan” is that the US should somehow force Ukraine to accept massive territorial concessions from Russia, and at the same time induce Russia to exit its longstanding relationship China and make some other concessions in exchange for control of a big chunk of Ukraine and sanctions relief. Ramaswamy claims this plan would cleave in two what he describes as a mutual defence pact between Moscow and Beijing based on a two-decade-old “Treaty of Good-Neighbourliness and Friendly Cooperation” between the two countries and the “no limits” partnership Putin and Chinese leader Xi Jinping announced early last year. Yet neither the decades-old Sino-Russian agreement nor the five-year extension of it announced by Putin and Xi last year amount to a Nato-style defence agreement in the mould of the North Atlantic Treaty, despite Ramaswamy’s claims to the contrary. He also suggests that in exchange for the sanctions relief and formalised control over Crimea and the Donesks region of Ukraine, Russia would be induced to cease its use of Kaliningrad, a small exclave on the Baltic Sea between Poland and Lithuania, for basing nuclear-capable weapons systems. One Russia expert who spoke to The Independent actually laughed out loud when asked about the topic of Kaliningrad. The expert noted that the city is the home base for Russia’s Baltic Fleet, the country’s only ice-free seaport, and part of the hard-won spoils awarded to the Soviet Union after the Second World War. The longtime foreign policy scholar, who asked not to be identified because they don’t want to get pulled into GOP primary politics, said the mere suggestion that Russia would ever give up Kaliningrad calls into question whether Ramaswamy has thought through his plan or ran it by any actual experts before going public with it. I don’t know the answer to that question Vivek Ramaswamy The Independent followed Ramaswamy over the course of his three morning events. He embodies a particularly Trumpian archetype — a charismatic, telegenic personality with an Ivy League pedigree and raw political talent who, upon closer examination, appears to have bitten off more than he can chew. During a brief interview with a correspondent from CBS News who had come to Concord, New Hampshire, for his second event of the day — a roundtable with New Hampshire legislators — Ramaswamy drew attention to another part of his plan. He told CBS that part of the Western end of the deal would be for the US to announce an end to “any military aid to Ukraine or even former Soviet Union bloc states”. Ending aid to Ukraine puts him firmly in the Trumpian part of the GOP field, but the second part of his statement raised eyebrows for a different reason. In the three decades since the fall of the Soviet Union, the vast majority of former Warsaw Pact countries have elected to become full members of Nato. Ramaswamy’s off-the-cuff remark to CBS went even further than what he’d suggested in prepared remarks, which indicated that he planned to call for Nato to pull back from bases in Eastern Europe that had been built up in the years following Russia’s illegal invasion and annexation of Crimea in 2014. As we left the Concord hotel where his campaign had reserved the room for the legislator roundtable, The Independent asked who had advised him when he was formulating his Ukraine policy. He said “the thesis” of the proposal came “from him,” but he also suggested that there were others involved, but he declined to name any of his foreign policy advisers, citing concerns for their privacy. Back in the SUV and en route to his third morning event, this reporter pointed out to him that he had essentially called for the United States to abandon mutual defence commitments to nations that were members in good standing of Nato. At first, he appeared not to understand the question. When The Independent explained that most of the former Soviet Bloc nations are now part of the 31-member defensive alliance, he attempted to walk back his call for the US to abandon those countries and said he had been “just speaking fast” during his interview. He said that what he meant to say was that the US should stop aid to “former Warsaw Pact countries that are not part of Nato,” even though the only signatory to that defunct treat that has not joined Nato is Russia, the successor to the Soviet Union. The vision he was articulating — a wholesale abandonment of Ukraine as a way to appease Russia and induce Moscow to break from its partnership with China — may not have made complete sense in terms of the details, but it became clear as The Independent followed Ramaswamy throughout the day that his intended audience isn’t foreign policy gurus or detail-obsessed journalists. At every stop, each time he mentioned the idea of giving up support for Ukraine as a wedge against China, he was greeted with applause. War against ‘the administrative state’ Over the course of the day, the Yale Law School graduate repeatedly offered his take on how to address the most Trumpian of boogeymen, a freedom-sucking villain he calls “the administrative state”. For years, Republicans have railed against the very idea of a nonpartisan civil service, staffed by career professionals who, like all federal officials, swear to “support and defend the Constitution of the United States”. In the last days of the Trump administration, the outgoing president even proposed to create a new category of federal employee who could be fired at will and move tens of thousands of career experts, scientists, and anyone with a role that so much as touches policy formulation, into that category so they could be fired and replaced with loyalists. More than one GOP candidate in the 2024 primary has suggested reviving that proposal, known as Schedule F. But Ramaswamy wants to go even further. In almost every public appearance, he says he will “eliminate” the Department of Education and other federal agencies that are viewed as enemies of the conservative movement, including the FBI and much of the rest of the federal intelligence and law enforcement apparatus. One aspect of his plan would be somehow ditching the century-old civil service laws in favour of establishing an eight-year “term limit” for federal employees, a category that could encompass anyone from the National Park Service groundskeeper who cuts the grass at the White House, to the people who process Social Security applications and cut the checks, to the IRS employees who make sure Americans get their tax refunds on time. But to Ramaswamy, they’re “bureaucrats” who need to be reined in from acting as a “fourth branch of government,” even though most federal agencies operate under the supervision of one or more Senate-confirmed appointees who are named by the President himself. In Ramaswamy’s view, only when the US president has unilaterally eliminated the nation’s top law enforcement agency and the agency responsible for writing safety regulations for nuclear power plants can America “stand up with a spine” to “actual threats” on the world stage. Also ripe for a root-and-branch uprooting, he says, is the “managerial class” at the Pentagon, who he blamed for “wokeness” in a military he described as “failing”. When this reporter finally had a chance to ask him about the legal underpinnings of his plans to gut the majority of the federal government, his reply opened up even more chilling possibilities. He first opined that the Supreme Court’s landmark 1984 opinion in Chevron U.S.A., Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc — which states that courts should defer to federal agencies’ interpretations of ambiguous federal statutes – was “wrong,” a not uncommon belief among Trump-era conservatives who’d like agencies to have less power to enact regulations they dislike. But he quickly went even further, telling The Independent that the Chevron decision has become “an excuse for sidestepping the nondelegation doctrine” and opining further that Congress “legislate lawmaking authority to an administrative agency”. In essence, what Ramaswamy was saying is that most — if not all — federal programmes and laws enacted since the Supreme Court stopped using nondelegation in 1935, are unconstitutional. Taken at face value, this would mean much of the federal infrastructure we take for granted, including the Federal Reserve, New Deal creations such as Social Security, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, and the Securities and Exchange Commission, would simply vanish if he had his way. When asked if his aim was to “party like it’s 1934” — a reference to the last time the high court struck down a statute using the non-delegation doctrine, he replied: “I do, but maybe even earlier, like 1922”. The Independent pressed him to elaborate further by asking if he was saying that he wants to roll back the entire New Deal — the architecture on which the modern United States was built. He said rolling it back was his “domestic policy priority”. “And more than that, the legacy of it — the Great Society thereafter … set into motion its own metastasis of the administrative state,” he added, referring to the suite of Lyndon Johnson-era programmes including Medicare, Medicaid, and host of other federal initiatives that were enacted as part of Johnson’s War on Poverty. What Ramaswamy was proposing would be the fulfillment of a dream held by Republicans going back nearly a full century, to when the Supreme Court’s “switch in time that saved nine” stopped getting in the way of Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s economic programmes. Trump, who spent much of his presidency railing against the “deep state” and trying to expand the limits of executive power far beyond what had ever been considered, had made an attempt to downsize the government through consolidating a few executive departments and eliminating the Office of Personnel Management — the independent agency charged with overseeing the civil service. But even Trump knew he had to do these things lawfully. His GOP allies in Congress introduced legislation to carry out the executive branch reorganisation he desired. It went nowhere, thanks to resistance from members of both parties in the House and Senate. Perhaps with that failure in mind, Ramaswamy wants to go further. In his view, the problem starts when Congress writes the federal budget each year. At multiple points during the day, he told Granite State residents how the “administrative state” somehow brought about a fiction that when Congress appropriates funds, these funds have to be spent. He also said he’d force departments to run their annual budget requests through the White House — perhaps not knowing that the budget request process has for decades been run through the White House, by way of the Office of Management and Budget, which is part of the Executive Office of the President. In his hypothetical administration, all this could be solved by changing the word “shall” in budget bills to “may,” leaving the choice of whether to spend any money to run entire departments up to him, and him alone. Barring that, he claimed that long-expired reorganisation powers last granted to Ronald Reagan could be revived somehow through executive fiat, and he said firing the entirety of the Department of Education could be done without running afoul of civil service laws if he only were able to eliminate agencies by decree — with the support of a 6-3 GOP-appointed Supreme Court. The Independent asked him if he was explicitly stating that the court would give him the power to nullify entire swaths of the United States Code laying out the structure of the Executive Departments — whole swaths of the government with histories dating back to the Washington Administration. After a long pause, for the first time that day, this reporter saw something previously unseen creep into view on Ramaswamy’s face: Doubt. “I don’t know the answer to that question,” he said.

TORONTO & NEW YORK--(BUSINESS WIRE)--Aug 30, 2023--

Harry Kane says Bayern Munich need to use Manchester United’s issues to their advantage as the England skipper looks to shoot down his long-term admirers in the Champions League. Kane has long been linked with a move to Old Trafford but last month moved to the German giants from boyhood club Tottenham. He has hit the ground running with four goals in as many domestic games as attention turns to Wednesday’s Champions League opener. United are the visitors and the England skipper, 30, maintains Bayern always felt like the right choice for his next club. “To be honest, obviously over the summer I know there were some talks between a few clubs in the background,” Kane said. “But Bayern was a team I was really excited by so there wasn’t too many other discussions once they came in. “My focus is on here. Obviously Manchester are a great club, a really big club as well, but I decided to come here and I’m really happy I have.” Kane joined Bayern in search of silverware that has evaded him for club and country – success that is almost guaranteed with the German behemoths. Trophies have looked far from certain over the last decade at United, who head to Bavaria in a precarious state after a third defeat in four matches compounded their well-documented off-field issues. Kane is wary of a potential backlash but acknowledged United have been going through a “bit of a tough spell recently” that they can capitalise on. “I don’t know about the perfect time (to play them),” he said. “There can be a big response from teams going through a difficult spell but of course we need to use circumstances to our advantage, to go with big confidence at home in front of our fans. “It is important to start the game on the front foot and really try and put the pressure on the opposition. “They have some big threats as well, on the counter-attack they have some really quick players, so we need to be wary of that. “But overall it’s a game we want to try to dominate and try to keep the pressure on and hopefully break them down as the game goes on.” Thomas Tuchel’s Bayern side are strong favourites to win Wednesday’s match and second only to holders Manchester City in the bookmakers’ odds to lift the trophy, but Kane is focusing on further improvements on a personal and collective level. “It’s been a good start for me here for sure,” he said. “Whenever there is a big transfer there is a little bit more pressure and expectation. “Really pleased to score the four goals so far. I still think personally I can play better but I think that will come with getting to know my team-mates more and the system and the way we play. “There’s definitely room for improvement in my all-round game but it’s always good to score four goals in four games.” Kane is the all-time top goalscorer of both England and Tottenham, who have started the season well despite their star turn’s exit. New head coach Ange Postecoglou’s side are unbeaten in the Premier League, with four wins – including one over United – and a draw leaving Spurs second. “They’ve had a fantastic start,” Kane said. “I’m always keeping an eye on them and I’ll keep an eye on Tottenham for the rest of my life. “I’m really happy to see the team playing the way they are and to see the fans happy is a great thing.” Read More Charity boss speaks out over ‘traumatic’ encounter with royal aide Ukraine war’s heaviest fight rages in east - follow live Italy boss Kieran Crowley wary of ‘massive threat’ posed by Uruguay Harry Kane defends ‘scapegoated’ Harry Maguire amid ‘unnecessary scrutiny’ Chris Billam-Smith confident of Lawrence Okolie win but doubts appeal of rematch

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Natalie Portman explained, 'Someone I respected gave it to me, and said, ‘I signed this. Will you too?’ And I was like, sure, it was a mistake'

Taylor Swift announced last night that 1989 (Taylor's Version) is coming later this year - and Swifties correctly predicted the singer would share this news on this day (August 9) The pop star shared the exciting update with her fans during her last Los Angeles show after playing at the SoFi Stadium for six nights, concluding the US leg of The Eras Tour. "And so now, here we are on the last night of the U.S. leg of The Eras Tour in the eighth month of the year on the ninth day," she said, with the 8/9 alluding to the album title. Sign up to our free Indy100 weekly newsletter "You might have noticed there are some new outfits in the show. "There's something that I've been planning for a really, really, really ridiculously, embarrassingly long time, and instead of telling you about it, I think I'll just sort of show you," she added as the album cover appeared on the big screen with the October 27 release date. Swifties are of course thrilled at the news, but many in the dedicated fanbase saw this announcement coming with many accurately predicting it would happen on 8/9. "So we all know the tour ends on August 9, 8/9, 89 but I was sitting here curious, how many active weeks of tour would that be or like weeks she's had shows or weekends which would also be the number of she would've played on the whole tour," @amberpunkrose said. @amberpunkrose My sanity is gone #taylorswift #greenscreen #1989 #swiftie #taylorsversion ##erastour##tour##1989taylorsversion ##eastereggs After counting four times, she realised the answer was 19 - "She's ending the tour on 19-8/9, 1989," the TikToker concluded in the video posted last month. A viral TikTok by @swakbeauty asked "Is 1989 TV being announced on 8/9? She [Swift] almost let her out!" as a recent clip from The Eras Tour played of Swift singing 'Look What You Made Me Do' while dancers are dressed in her previous eras stuck in glass boxes. @swakbeauty Will 8/9 be the lucky day? ? #1989taylorsversion #LATSTheErasTour #lookwhatyoumademedo #latstheerastour #tstheerastour #taylorswift #erastour #latserastour #losangeles #sofistadium The clip referred to Swift almost releasing the dancer in the outfit from the 1989 era, teasing the new re-recording. There were also rumours circulating about Starbucks receiving a 1989 (Taylor's Version) playlist this week to play in stores, as @jessicagolich explained sharing a tip from celebrity gossip account DeuxMoi which suggested some news about the re-recording was coming soon. @jessicagolich #greenscreen Rumors are swirling that 8/9 is the day for 1989 TV announcement ?☕️? #starbucksplaylisttaylorswift #taylorswift1989tv #1989taylorsversion #taylorsversion1989 #swiftienews #taylorswiftnews #sofinight4 #tstheerastourlosangeles While another eagle-eyed fan @alexantonides noticed that Swift had an Instagram post scheduled, believing it to be the album announcement. @alexantonides I am freaking out #1989taylorsversion #fyp #swifttok #tstheerastour #latstheerastour #1989 @Taylor Swift So it looks like Swifties were spot on with their prediction. This new 1989 (Taylor's Version) re-recording comes after Swift released Fearless (Taylor's Version) in April 2021, followed by Red (Taylor's Version) in November 2021, and most recently Speak Now (Taylor's Version) on July 7 this year. Have your say in our news democracy. Click the upvote icon at the top of the page to help raise this article through the indy100 rankings.

Hasbro and Nintendo launch Super Mario: Monopoly as the boarding game giant continues to pay tribute to the iconic series.

Russia is ramping up its efforts to ensure even its youngest citizens fall in line with the official narrative when it comes to the war in Ukraine.

Chelsea’s biggest issue last season was the inability to simply put the ball in the back of the net. Only four teams scored fewer Premier League goals than the Blues (38), with even relegated pair Leeds and Leicester netting more. Strengthening the frontline was always the priority for a west London side in need of a refresh this summer. Yet they had to strike a balance. Chelsea’s squad remains incredibly bloated, though the departures of N’Golo Kante and Kalidou Koulibaly have helped, at the very least, cut the wage bill. Hakim Ziyech, Kai Havertz, Edouard Mendy and Mason Mount are expected to follow the pair out of the Stamford Bridge exit as the squad is streamlined. We’re not yet in July but the Blues have at least made their first move to correct their goal issues: Christopher Nkunku has arrived from RB Leipzig on the back of a solid Bundesliga campaign that saw him net 16 times – no player in Germany’s top tier scored more. The 25-year-old won’t be the only forward to rock up in the capital, however, with Nicolas Jackson set to follow suit. Jackson was prepped for a move to Bournemouth in January, only to fail a medical, and was subsequently linked with a move to Aston Villa this summer – yet Chelsea have won the race for the 22-year-old, who scored 12 goals and provided four assists in LaLiga last season, a fine return for a player who registered just 1,603 minutes of game time. Of those 12 goals, 10 were scored since the turn of the year. Only former Real Madrid hitman Karim Benzema (12) bagged more in Spain’s top tier in the first half of 2023. Crucially, Jackson knows exactly where the goal is. Feed the Senegalese star and he’ll score. Of the 120 players to muster 25 or more shots, Jackson returned the best conversion rate (29.3 per cent) in the 22/23 LaLiga campaign. Despite a goal-shy season, Chelsea still averaged the eighth most key passes per game (9.9) in the Premier League, a return that can be improved upon, but a reasonable base nonetheless. In addition, the Blues ranked tenth for big chances created (57), yet in turn missed the sixth most (52). Kai Havertz was the biggest offender, missing 14 clear-cut goalscoring opportunities, but with the German set to leave for Arsenal there is room for a new striker at Stamford Bridge. Jackson, by contrast, performed superbly when the chances were laid out on a plate, returning a clear-cut conversion rate of 56.3 per cent, the best in Spain’s top flight last season. However, there is more to Jackson’s game than scoring goals. He’s not an old-fashioned No 9 but rather a modern-day forward, who looks to link the play as well as get on the end of chances. An average of 1.2 key passes per 90 minutes is a respectable average, while a pass success rate of 76.4 per cent from 17.9 passes per 90 are solid figures for a striker. With Mauricio Pochettino expected to use a 4-2-3-1 setup, he’ll need his leading frontman to work his way into the box and, where needed, hold up possession before laying the ball on for his teammates. Jackson, then, ticks the right boxes. Considering the exciting wingers at Pochettino’s disposal – who’ll undoubtedly benefit from a full pre-season in a settled environment under the Argentine’s watchful eye – and the possibility of Nkunku operating in the No 10 role as a second striker, Jackson’s willingness to bring others into play means Chelsea should quickly dwarf their 38-goal haul from last season. The Senegal star isn’t perhaps the same headline-stealing hitman in the form of Victor Osimhen that some supporters may crave, but then if Jackson is the ideal fit, is that really an issue? Chelsea will be landing a player who will benefit the current crop of attackers on the books at Stamford Bridge and, over the longer term, can become the complete centre-forward with the right coaching. Pochettino, after all, did turn Harry Kane into a world-beater. Read More Mateo Kovacic completes move from Chelsea to Manchester City Koulibaly exits Chelsea to become latest star joining Saudi Pro League Manchester United increase Mason Mount bid Chelsea owners buy stake in French team as part of multi-club ownership plans Robertson appreciative as Newcastle remember Tiote – Wednesday’s sporting social N’Golo Kante, the midfield miracle worker who changed football

By Amanda Cooper and Jesús Aguado LONDON/MADRID Spanish blue-chip shares dropped Monday after a snap general election at

The Taliban say a strong earthquake with several aftershocks has dozens in western Afghanistan

Fashion icons joined Hollywood stars and British royalty to celebrate the first Vogue World event at London’s Theatre Royal Drury Lane on Thursday night (14 September). Billed as London’s answer to the Met Gala, the star-studded extravaganza was helmed by legendary American Vogue editor Anna Wintour, and featured a live performance overseen by Billy Elliot and The Crown director Stephen Daldry, as well as a dramatic catwalk show spotlighting British labels on the eve of London Fashion Week. The “multi-act celebration of the British performing arts” aimed to raise money for a variety of arts institutions including the Royal Ballet, the National Theatre and the Royal Opera House. Sienna Miller was among the stars to walk the red carpet outside the Theatre Royal, wearing a striking ivory two-piece by Schiaparelli couture which showed off her baby bump. It was revealed last month that the 41-year-old actor, who is already mother to 10-year-old daughter Marlowe, is expecting her second child. The Anatomy of a Scandal star later swapped the ensemble, which consisted of a crop top and puff-ball skirt, for a red tartan set when she took to the stage alongside fellow actors including Damian Lewis, Cush Jumbo, James Corden and James McAvoy. Princess Eugenie was also photographed on the red carpet wearing a green gown by Fendi, marking her first public appearance since welcoming her second child, a son named Ernest, in May. Her older sister Princess Beatrice opted for a floral dress by London-based designer Richard Quinn. This choice of gown choice surely had special significance for the royal: in 2018, Quinn received the inaugural Queen Elizabeth II Award for British Design from the princesses’ late grandmother, who also attended one of his London Fashion Week catwalk shows that year. The dress code for the event was “opening night”, with invitations featuring a West End stage enveloped in dramatic red curtains. Many of the stars in attendance pushed fashion boundaries on the red carpet, with Queen & Slim actor Jodie Turner-Smith wearing a revealing Viktor & Rolf creation made up of a statement satin bow, opera gloves and matching underwear. Bridgerton star Nicola Coughlan added some drama to proceedings with an eye-catching black and gold headpiece, paired with a black off-the-shoulder gown by designer of the moment Harris Reed , who unveiled his latest collection on Wednesday night (13 September). Simone Ashley, Coughlan’s co-star on Netflix’s hit Regency romance, opted for bejewelled net couture dress by Tamara Ralph with a white bodysuit underneath, while presenter and model Alexa Chung wore a Sixties-inspired two-piece from Nicklas Skovgaard, made up of shorts and a crop top, finishing off the look with a matching feather headpiece. I May Destroy You writer and actress Michaela Coel opted for a structured leather-look blazer, seemingly tapping into the trend for wearing knickers as outerwear, first seen on the Miu Miu catwalk in March. Crazy Rich Asians star Gemma Chan sparkled in a dark silver Louis Vuitton strapless dress, with her hair in a sleek updo and a red lip, while Kate Winslet kep things low-key in a slouchy cream suit with a beige underwear-style top underneath. Model Poppy Delevingne, designer Stella McCartney and Promising Young Woman actress Carey Mulligan posed together on the red carpet, with Delevingne’s pink dress providing a pop of colour amid McCartney and Mulligan’s understated black gowns. The blockbuster show opened with model Kate Moss walking across the stage, and closed with the appearance of four of the “original supers”: Naomi Campbell, Cindy Crawford, Linda Evangelista and Christy Turlington, who recently reunited to appear on the cover of Vogue . New Apple TV+ docuseries The Super Models, due to be released on 20 September, will alsochart their rise to global fame. The second annual event followed a New York edition held in 2022, and celebrated music, theatre and fashion at the beginning of London Fashion Week (September 15-19). It saw musical performances from FKA Twigs, Stormzy and Annie Lennox, along with a Shakespearean monologue from actress Sophie Okonedo. Fashion was front and centre, with models including Jourdan Dunn, Ashley Graham, Emily Ratajkowski and Cara Delevingne wearing creations from designer labels including Miu Miu, Alexander McQueen and more. Flying the flag for sustainable fashion were singer Rita Ora, model Twiggy and TikTok star Wisdom Kaye. All were wearing pre-loved fashion and accessories from eBay: Ora in a timeless black strapless dress, Twiggy in a red velvet suit and Kaye in wide-legged white trousers and a navy coat. Game Of Thrones star Maisie Williams wore experimental brand Maison Margiela, donning a black mini dress with a Peter Pan collar and cut-off sheer tights. Read More Everything we know about Vogue World, London’s answer to the Met Gala Sienna Miller is the face of M&S’s new autumn collection – and it’s sure to sell out Sienna Miller is having a baby with someone 15 years her junior – good for her Charity boss speaks out over ‘traumatic’ encounter with royal aide Ukraine war’s heaviest fight rages in east - follow live