After the New Orleans City Council voted to allow the use of facial recognition software to identify criminals more readily and accurately, reports indicate that the technology was ineffective and erroneous. This system went into effect in the summer of 2022, and Politico obtained records of the year’s worth of results. The outlet found that not only was the facial recognition tool vastly incapable of identifying suspects, but it was also disproportionately used on Black people. And from October 2022 to August 2023, almost every facial recognition request regarded a Black suspect. Politico reported that in total, the department made 19 requests. However, two of them were thrown out because police had identified the suspect before the system’s results came back, while two others were rejected because the program’s application didn’t extend to those crimes. So, of the 15 requests made by the New Orleans Police Department, 14 concerned Black suspects, the outlet wrote. On top of this, only six of these requests turned up with matches — and half of those were erroneous — while the remaining nine did not pull up a match. Facial recognition technology has long been controversial. The city of New Orleans previously had banned the use of facial recognition software, which went into effect in 2020 following the death of George Floyd. Then, in 2022, the city reversed course, allowing it to be used. In the wake of the reversal, the ACLU of Louisiana Advocacy Director Chris Kaiser called the new ordinance “deeply flawed.” He not only pointed out research that indicated that “racial and gender bias” affected the program’s accuracy but also highlighted privacy concerns around the data that the program relies on when identifying potential suspects. A previous investigation by The Independent revealed that at least six people around the US have been falsely arrested using facial ID technology; all of them are Black. One such arrest occurred in Louisiana, where the use of facial recognition technology led to the wrongful arrest of a Georgia man for a string of purse thefts. Regardless of the false arrests, at least half of federal law enforcement agencies with officers and a quarter of state and local agencies are using it. At least one council member acknowledged the shortcomings of this technology. “This department hung their hat on this,” New Orleans Councilmember At-Large JP Morrell told Politico. Mr Morrell voted against using facial recognition last year. After seeing the police department’s data and usage, he said the tool is “wholly ineffective and pretty obviously racist.” “The data has pretty much proven that advocates were mostly correct,” Mr Morell continued. “It’s primarily targeted towards African Americans and it doesn’t actually lead to many, if any, arrests.” City councillor Eugene Green, who introduced the measure to lift the ban, holds a different view. He told Politico that he still supports the agency’s use of facial recognition. “If we have it for 10 years and it only solves one crime, but there’s no abuse, then that’s a victory for the citizens of New Orleans.” It is important to note that despite hiccups with the system’s results, the agency’s use has led to any known false arrests. “We needed to have significant accountability on this controversial technology,” council member Helena Moreno, who co-authored the initial ban, told the outlet. New Orleans has a system in place in which the police department is required to provide details of how the tool was used to the City Council on a monthly basis; although Politico disclosed that the department agreed with the council that it could share the data quarterly. When asking about the potential flaws with the facial recognition tool, as outlined by Politico’s reporting, a New Orleans Police Department spokesperson told The Independent that “race and ethnicity are not a determining factor for which images and crimes are suitable for Facial Recognition review. However, a description of the perpetrator, including race, is a logical part of any search for a suspect and is always a criterion in any investigation.” The department spokesperson also emphasised that its investigators do not rely solely on facial recognition, “but it is one of multiple tools that can be used to aid in investigations,” like evidence and/or forensics, adding that officers are trained to conduct “bias-free investigations.” “The lack of arrests in which Facial Recognition Technology was used as a tool, is evidence that NOPD investigators are being thorough in their investigations,” the statement concluded. 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Less than a mile from where he was sworn in as the 45th president of the United States, Donald Trump has arrived at a Washington DC courthouse to face four criminal charges stemming from his attempt to overturn the election he lost to Joe Biden less than three years ago. Mr Trump is expected to plead not guilty to each charge of the four-count indictment in a second-floor courtroom at the E Barrett Prettyman Courthouse on 3 August, just a short walk from where a mob of his supporters began assaulting police officers at the start of the January 6 attack on the US Capitol. His motorcade entered the courthouse complex through a below-ground entrance after a short drive from Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport in nearby Virginia, where Mr Trump’s bespoke Boeing 757 had landed following a short flight from Bedminster, New Jersey. Mr Trump is expected to be represented in court by John Lauro, a veteran Washington-based criminal defence attorney, and Todd Blanche, the New York-based lawyer who is leading his defence in the other criminal cases against him. The twice-impeached, now-thrice-indicted ex-president’s appearance in criminal court – his third since April – comes just two days after a Washington DC grand jury charged him with three criminal conspiracies and obstruction in connection with his attempts to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election. In a poetic twist of fate, Mr Trump’s latest arraignment brought him to the exact same courthouse where hundreds of people have been tried, convicted and sentenced to terms in prison as long as 18 years for charges in connection with January 6. Mr Trump, the man Liz Cheney once credited with having “assembled” and “summoned” the riotous mob, is now the latest defendant among them. But more than two years after he exhorted the mob he assembled to march to the Capitol, Mr Trump’s ability to rally crowds to his defence appears to have waned. A relatively small number of pro- and anti-Trump demonstrators joined the dozens of news outlets and makeshift studios on the courthouse grounds. Law enforcement agencies erected temporary barriers around the building and surrounding streets. Many of the pro-Trump figures who came to Washington appeared to be from the same group of die-hard supporters who flocked to his prior federal arraignment in Miami, including members of the “Blacks for Trump” group often seen behind him at his campaign rallies. Another recognisable personality who came to the courthouse was Randy Credico, a comedian and radio host who gained a measure of prominence when he was a witness at the 2019 trial of longtime Trump associate Roger Stone on charges that the veteran GOP operative lied to Congress and committed witness tampering by threatening to harm Mr Credico’s emotional support dog, a Havanese called Bianca. Mr Stone, who was convicted of those charges, was later pardoned by Mr Trump before he left office. The latest criminal charges against Donald Trump The latest four-count indictment against Mr Trump alleges four crimes: conspiracy to defraud the United States, conspiracy to obstruct an official proceeding, obstruction and attempt to obstruct an official proceeding, and conspiracy against rights. The indictment also lists six unnamed co-conspirators, including Trump-linked attorneys and Justice Department officials. Prosecutors have outlined a multi-state scheme built on Mr Trump’s legacy of lies and conspiracy theories to undermine the democratic process, culminating with an attack on the US Capitol fuelled by that same baseless narrative. According to prosecutors, then-President Trump and his allies conspired with officials in states that he lost to invalidate ballots and use fraudulent electors to cast their electoral college votes on his behalf, relied on the Justice Department to implement the plan, and pressured then-Vice President Mike Pence to certify what was a fraudulent outcome when he presided over a joint session of Congress on 6 January, 2021. After Mr Pence refused, Mr Trump and his alleged co-conspirators “exploited” the chaos from a mob of his supporters to delay the certification and make a last-ditch effort to reverse the results, according to the indictment. “Despite having lost, [Mr Trump] was determined to remain in power,” the indictment states. “These claims were false, and the Defendant knew that they were false. In fact, the Defendant was notified repeatedly that his claims were untrue – often by the people on whom he relied for candid advice on important matters, and who were best positioned to know the facts – and he deliberately disregarded the truth.” Mr Trump and his allies and right-wing pundits have accused President Biden and the US Department of Justice of “weaponising” the federal government against the former president, cast as a victim of political persecution against his Democratic rival. They claim that the latest indictment is a threat to his First Amendment rights to refute his election loss. The indictment, crucially, states that Mr Trump has the right – “like every American” – to falsely state whatever he wants about the election, even to claim victory when in fact has not. What he cannot do, prosecutors argue, is weaponize those lies in a conspiracy to overturn the results. “Each of these conspiracies – built on the widespread mistrust [Mr Trump] was creating through pervasive and destabilizing lies about election fraud – targeted a bedrock function of the United States federal government,” according to the indictment. More criminal charges and trials ahead The case is far from Mr Trump’s only legal obstacle as he campaigns for the 2024 Republican nomination for president. Mr Trump faces two other criminal cases that are scheduled for trial next year. The first, starting March 2024, will be in his former home state of New York, where a Manhattan prosecutor in April charged him with falsifying business records in connection with hush money payments used to silence stories of his alleged affairs in the lead-up to his 2016 election, marking the first-ever criminal indictment of a former president. Two months later, he will appear in a South Florida federal courtroom to be tried on a 40-count federal indictment accusing him of illegally retaining classified documents at the Palm Beach mansion turned social club where he maintains his primary residence, and conspiring to obstruct a federal probe into his alleged unlawful retention of the documents with the aid of two co-conspirators. He has pleaded not guilty in both cases. Mr Trump, his three eldest children and his business empire also face a $250m lawsuit from New York Attorney General Letitia James following a three-year civil investigation into allegations of fraud. That case is expected to head to trial on 2 October. And in Georgia, a grand jury is hearing evidence and witness testimony surrounding a pressure campaign from Mr Trump and his allies to overturn 2020 election results in that state following a two-year investigation from Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis. Ms Willis has indicated that potential charges stemming from that investigation would arrive this month. Read More Trump arraignment live updates: Trump heads to DC court to be arraigned for 2020 election charges Trump, January 6 and a conspiracy to overturn the 2020 election: The federal investigation, explained Eight key revelations from Trump’s January 6 indictment Donald Trump’s latest indictment is a test for America Who are Trump’s six alleged co-conspirators in the 2020 election probe case?

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In 2019, for the first time, Pramila Jayapal shared with members of Congress the joy of her then-22-year-old child’s “newfound freedom” embracing their gender identity. “My child is finally free to be who they are,” she wrote after a hearing. “With that freedom comes a responsibility, for us as legislators, to legislate with love and not fear.” Four years later, when her House colleagues introduced legislation to ban transgender women and girls from sports consistent with their gender, the congresswoman – the “proud mom of a trans kid” – shared the pain she felt against a wave of similar bills and the hateful rhetoric fuelling them. “I know that when my daughter came out it was not an easy process,” she said. “What she continues to see around her, and from politicians, unfortunately, is a condemning of who she is. We cannot allow that to happen.” Ms Jayapal is among parents in Congress and in state legislatures across the country combatting legislation to define the sports their children can play as themselves; the bathrooms, names or pronouns they can use; and what medically recommended and potentially life-saving medical care they can receive. “It’s really hard. It’s hard on our family, it’s hard on my daughter to see this – I think she has the comfort of community around her, that supports her, including her very fierce mother,” Ms Jayapal tells The Independent. “I have people, parents, and kids who come up to me … who just ask if they can hug me and start crying,” she says. “Grown men, women and kids and people who just are really fearing for their safety and for their future.” One of the most prominent voices against sweeping legislation targeting LGBT+ people in Kentucky is Karen Berg, a state senator whose transgender son Henry died by suicide in late December. In Nebraska, where the state’s unicameral legislature is the smallest in the country, with a small body of lawmakers who know one another intimately, state Senator Megan Hunt joined an epic filibuster to combat anti-trans legislation that would impact her 13-year-old trans son. US Rep Katherine Clark, the Democratic Whip in the House of Representatives, has endured ongoing right-wing media scrutiny and social media harassment involving her trans daughter Riley. Now-former US Rep Marie Newman, whose daughter is trans, mounted a trans pride flag outside her office after far-right congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene unleashed a vitriolic string of transphobic statements. Parents first, these lawmakers and others have centred the experience of their children and the lives of other trans and nonbinary Americans in their testimony and advocacy, reclaiming the so-called “parents’ rights” movement that has sought to remove trans stories from public life altogether. “I’m not gonna lie – I get really hot under the collar,” Ms Jayapal says. “And I try to control myself. But it is personal. And it is also collective. It’s both. And I see over and over again, that people across the country are just disgusted and shocked and saddened by what this Republican Party has resorted to.” LGBT+ Americans want to live “their full, authentic selves, and they want to be able to access all the same services that everyone wants,” she says. “I’m never gonna stop fighting for them. And they can count on me to be there and to stand up for them and to push back and push forward.” A new wave of vitriol and ‘baffling’ legislation In 2016, the day after Donald Trump’s presidential victory, Marie Newman decided to run for Congress. Her daughter, Evie, began transitioning two years earlier. Her fears of a coming tide of legislation targeting LGBT+ Americans, emboldened by the incoming administration, compelled her mother to run for office. “The day after Trump was elected my daughter came downstairs and said, ‘Mom, am I going to be safe?’” Ms Newman tells The Independent from her office in Chicago. In the years after Trump’s election and Ms Newman’s two years in Congress, lawmakers across the country introduced a record number of bills targeting LGBT+ Americans as Republican officials weaponise anti-trans attacks for 2024 campaigns. “It’s baffling to me,” Ms Newman says. “They’re effectively creating a problem where there is nothing. They’ve created this weird and creepy solution for a zero problem.” By the end of May, state lawmakers had introduced more than 500 bills impacting LGBT+ people in 2023, including 220 bills specifically targeting trans and nonbinary Americans, according to an analysis from the Human Rights Campaign. Republican members of Congress have also introduced federal legislation that mirrors some of the proposals dominating state capitols. One measure would impose national restrictions on trans athletes, and another bill would impose a similar but more-expansive version of what critics have called state-level “Don’t Say Gay” bills used to restrict classroom discussion of LGBT+ people and events. Opponents of so-called “Don’t Say Gay” laws have sparked fears that their broad scopes could effectively block discussion of LGBT+ people, history and events from state schools, and be weaponised against students, staff and their families under threat from potential lawsuits against school districts over perceived violations. A federal version backed by more than 30 House Republicans would ban institutions that receive federal funds from hosting “sexually oriented” discussion, materials and events where children could be present. Democratic members of Congress, meanwhile, have repeatedly introduced the Equality Act, which would amend the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964 to add federal protections from discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity. The measure, which has the support of President Joe Biden, has been introduced five times in both chambers of Congress since 2015. In her remarks to the House in 2021 in support of the legislation, Ms Newman said she recognised that from the moment her daughter came out as trans, she “would be living in a nation, where in most of its states, she would be discriminated against merely because [of] who she is.” “And yet it was the happiest day of my life, and my daughter has found her authentic self,” she said. Far-right US Rep Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia, among the most noxious voices against LGBT+ rights in Congress, has called the Equality Act “disgusting,” “immoral” and “evil”. Following Ms Newman’s testimony, she intentionally misgendered the lawmaker’s daughter. Ms Newman, whose office was located directly across the hall from Ms Greene’s, responded by hoisting a trans pride flag outside her door. Ms Greene replied with a poster outside her office reading: “There are TWO genders: Male & Female. Trust The Science!” Ms Newman says she couldn’t care less what kinds of posters Ms Greene hangs outside her office, but “what we can’t have is lawmakers going after one another’s families – that is not acceptable.” “The vitriol is unabashed now. We see lawmakers going after one another in the hallways in their offices, and they’re on the floor, everywhere and then creating rallies – hate rallies,” Ms Newman tells The Independent. “I’m worried about democracy, and I’m worried about our level of ability to live with one another. It’s alarming.” ‘Their platform is hate’ Nebraska has a population of fewer than 2 million people. It is also the smallest legislature in the country, with only 49 members. All of state senator Megan Hunt’s colleagues have met her child. Many of them have babysat for Ms Hunt or travelled with her family for legislative work. “Many of you have helped me take care of him,” she told lawmakers earlier this year as they considered legislation to outlaw gender-affirming healthcare for trans youth. “And this bill, colleagues, is such an affront to me, personally, and would violate my rights to parent my child in Nebraska. And I just want to tell you that. I want to stop letting that go unsaid, actually,” she said. Her viral remarks dropped the facade of performative “civility” in legislative debates across the country, underscoring the attacks against her own family coming from members of a small body of lawmakers that she has known for years. Much of that legislation has been drawn from a handful of conservative Christian special interest groups and right-wing lobbyists, working in tandem with state lawmakers to introduce nearly identical bills across the US. The debates surrounding trans care are “totally cooked up to divide us, to put divisions in our country, and they don’t even reflect what most people care about,” Ms Hunt told The Independent earlier this year. “These groups have a long history of using religion to justify discrimination and marginalization,” she said. “It’s always about finding another scapegoat. And who could be a better scapegoat than children. They don’t have a lobby, they don’t have a lot of money, they are not fighting for themselves as much as other groups are. And for me, it’s just too far. … I didn’t run for office to do this bull****.” Ms Hunt was the subject of a complaint to Nebraska’s Accountability and Disclosure Commission filed by a right-wing activist lawyer, who alleged that, because her son is trans, her opposition to legislation potentially impacting his healthcare is a conflict of interest. The complaint was condemned by lawmakers from both parties. “They can punish me any way they want to. But when we’re talking about human rights, we’re talking about trans rights. That’s not a partisan issue. It’s not a political issue. It’s about standing up in the face of blatant discrimination against an entire group of people,” she told The Independent. “And there’s only one right answer, which is to not legislate hate against other people.” Kentucky state Senator Karen Berg did not intend to run on a platform around LGBT+ rights, nor did she predict a fever in state capitols to dismantle them. “I never thought, ‘Oh, my God, we’re gonna take two steps forward, and then 100 years back’,” she tells The Independent from her home in Kentucky. “I did not see it.” Henry Berg-Brousseau – her 24-year-old son and a press secretary for the Human Rights Campaign, the nation’s largest LGBT+ civil rights organisation – did. “He had known and he was telling me this was coming for a year and a half or more, maybe. He was dreading the state session,” she tells The Independent. Henry died by suicide on 16 December. After her son’s death, Ms Berg prepared for the eight-week legislative session ahead of her, as Republican lawmakers in the state prepared what opponents have labeled as one of the most far-reaching anti-trans laws in the nation. On 28 June, a federal judge struck down parts of the law that ban affirming healthcare, among a string of recent federal court decisions that have tossed out or temporarily blocked gender-affirming care bans in several states. Ms Berg sees the fight for LGBT+ rights in state legislatures as part of a broader anti-democratic threat from a Republican Party that is “trying to divide us because they think it is the only way to win at this point”. “Their agenda and their policy and their platform is hate,” Ms Newman says. That agenda thrives, in part, within a feedback loop of well-funded special interest groups and political action committees relying on candidates’ anti-trans rhetoric, she says. ‘A focal point for hope’ In remarks on the House floor to recognise Trans Day of Visibility on 31 March, US Rep Katherine Clark of Massachusetts stood to honour “trans joy that deserves to be celebrated – not eradicated,” sharing her “unconditional love” for her trans daughter. “I rise in solidarity with every trans American seeking nothing less than their inalienable right to the pursuit of happiness,” she added. “To stand in the way of that right is to stand against our most basic American values, but that’s exactly what MAGA extremists are doing across this country,” said Ms Clarke, condemning the “especially vicious crusade on our kids.” In response to those attacks, Ms Jayapal has introduced a Trans Bill of Rights, an ambitious policy framework for federal protections for trans and nonbinary people. “We needed a positive vision,” she tells The Independent. “Obviously the Equality Act is a big part of that, but something that really centered trans people in particular.” The proposal, supported by dozens of civil rights organizations and drafted with input from trans rights groups, outlines a series of federal government protections against discrimination in all aspects of public life, including housing, education and healthcare. A Trans Bill of Rights is unlikely to advance in Congress, but it has served as an instructive organising tool among advocates and lawmakers to illustrate the chasm between current protections and unrealized demands. “Every time I talk about it, it becomes a focal point for hope,” Ms Jayapal says. “And for a sense of justice to continue to prevail, that we know what we’re striving for – even if we’re having to fight all this opposition and cruelty right now.” The flood of anti-trans bills and the political debates surrounding them have also negatively impacted the mental health of an overwhelming majority of young trans and nonbinary people, according to polling from The Trevor Project and Morning Consult. Two-thirds of young LGBT+ people reported that political debates surrounding their identities have made their mental health worse. Such stark disparities and the concurrent legal battles surrounding trans rights throughout Pride Month have underscored the need to recognise the “healing and the hurt” in those celebrations, Ms Jayapal says. Much of that can start at home, according to LGBT+ advocates. Fewer than 40 per cent of LGBT+ youth found their home to be affirming, according to The Trevor Project. Trans and nonbinary youth living in homes where their pronouns are respected reported lower rates of attempting suicide. Ms Jayapal often speaks with parents who ask her how she came to understand what her daughter experienced, helping to alleviate a tension among some families that are unsure how to correctly respond to their child’s identity. “You don’t have to know everything upfront, and you don’t have to be afraid of making a mistake with language or not being fully aware or educated on even what the process of transitioning looks like,” Ms Jayapal says. “You can learn all of that. The most important thing is that your child feels like you are there for them, that you’re willing to learn and that you’re supportive, that she or he is the same person they’ve always been.” If you are based in the US and seek LGBT+ affirming mental health support, resources are available from Trans Lifeline (877-565-8860) and the LGBT Hotline (888-843-4564), as well as The Trevor Project (866-488-7386, or text START to 678-678). If you are experiencing feelings of distress, or are struggling to cope, you can speak to the Samaritans, in confidence, on 116 123 (UK and ROI), email jo@samaritans.org, or visit the Samaritans website to find details of your nearest branch. If you are based in the US, and you or someone you know needs mental health assistance right now, call or text the 988 Suicide & Crisis Lifeline at 988. This is a free, confidential crisis hotline that is available to everyone 24 hours a day, seven days a week. If you are in another country, you can go to www.befrienders.org to find a helpline near you. Read More She lost her transgender son to suicide. She isn’t giving up fighting for him Pioneering transgender lawmaker has advice for pushing back against transphobic bills Ritchie Torres, the only openly gay Black man in Congress, on how he fights GOP ‘bullying’ of LGBT+ people

There were many moments that Sir Bob Murray could point to as illustrating how much football has changed, but one stands out for what he feels was a lack of basic decency. “My wife used to go to the boardroom at Chelsea, and they would thoroughly search her handbag,” he says. “She’s the woman married to the chairman of Sunderland.” The reason for that was out of the rigorous security concerns for Roman Abramovich, an ownership that Murray declares himself “personally diametrically against”. The 77-year-old even argues in his new book, I’d Do It All Again, that the entire issue of modern sportswashing “might have started with Abramovich picking up 20 trophies”. The deeper point is how some of football’s more dignified traditions, such as decency to rival clubs, were cast aside because of far loftier geopolitical concerns. Abramovich was a billionaire with a huge security detail, so that superseded the rest of the game. There is an obvious contrast with a great football figure that has been so celebrated this week, as Murray recounts in his book. The former accountant had taken his 10-year-old son James to see Sunderland’s match at Old Trafford, where Sir Bobby Charlton arranged for him to have his photo taken with the Champions League trophy. “When we played them at the Stadium of Light in the return fixture six months later, Sir Bobby had remembered the photo and handed James the picture. I was very touched by that; he’d showed great kindness and thought. Sir Bobby and his wife, Norma, always treated Sue and me like royalty at Old Trafford. In return, I always made sure I gave him some ham and pease pudding and stottie cake to take home whenever he came to our home games.” While so many of Murray’s stories raise a smile in the same way, it is very quickly apparent on talking to him about the book that this is no mere folksy look at what football used to be. It is about what the game is supposed to be, and what it represents. Drawing on his experience from 20 years as chairman of Sunderland, and having taken them up to the Premier League, Murray feels it is necessary to address the most complicated of themes. “Sportswashing” and the game’s many financial issues come up a lot, as he believes all of this is so damagingly moving the sport away from the community core it is supposed to be about. That ethos is visible in Sunderland’s Stadium of Light itself – with the financially sustainable way it was built seeing Murray brought into the St George’s Park and Wembley projects by the FA – as well as his aims for the book. He has insisted that 100 per cent of the cover prices goes to the Foundation of Light, the club-associated charity he set up “to use the power of football to invest in the communities we serve and to improve the education, health, wellbeing and happiness of people, no matter who they are”. It can be purchased at www.sirbobmurraybook.com. A core of the book of course covers Sunderland’s fortunes, from Roy Keane and the Niall Quinn-led takeover by Drumaville to Peter Reid’s transfers and tribulations, as well as the simple joy of having Kevin Phillips repeatedly lash the ball in after a Quinn knock-down. “It's the pace that things change,” Murray laments. “I think people don't realise it. This league is only 30 years old, it's in its infancy and yet... in 2000 I had the Golden Boot of Europe in Kevin Phillips. That was a wonderful thing to have, a lad that wanted to stay at Sunderland, that was 23 years ago.” It feels impossible now, because of how football’s economic infrastructure has been allowed to change. “It's just accelerating, we're just at the beginning of this journey... it's not going to get any better. We don't have any political leadership on it.” There is naturally a lot of discussion about Sunderland’s greatest rivals. While Murray is highly critical of the Public Investment Fund ownership of Newcastle United, and what it all represents, he believes the path to that point is instructive. He points to a period where both clubs reached agreements with broadcasters. “Where we’d created new shares, Newcastle United did a media deal of their own by selling existing shares to rivals NTL. The Newcastle directors received a lot more money – around £15m for themselves. The difference was it went straight into their pockets, while we took a share dilution so that ours could go straight into building and funding the Academy of Light. (We created new shares, so that the company – the club – got the money; Newcastle sold existing shares so that the directors got the money; then four years later the club bought some more Hall family shares, bringing the Hall income from Newcastle United to £20m. Add in salary packages and dividends paid to all shareholders and you’re looking at £36m to the Halls and £8m to Freddy Shepherd. And this was all before the sale to [Mike] Ashley.) “The receipts from the public flotation of Sunderland AFC all went to pay for the Stadium of Light and the Academy of Light. The receipts from the public flotation of Newcastle United helped pay back the Hall family loans. Sky had paid vast premiums to what the shares were really worth – but all the money went on the Academy of Light, and we had no debt. What do I think? I think we put the club first. Hall and Shepherd’s legacy to Newcastle was to get the highest price. That’s why they had 10 years of Mike Ashley. Now they’re owned by a Saudi. That’s your legacy…” While some would no doubt accuse Murray of jealousy or all the usual claims, that would be to completely misunderstand his perspective. This isn’t just about competing at any cost. It’s about creating something sustainable for the community. “It’s the Newcastle supporters I feel really sad for, they’ve got great tradition and pedigree, great supporters, very passionate, love their club, I'm concerned about them really. That’s what I’m concerned about. I don’t like them on a Saturday 3 o’clock, but after that I've got no problem with them.” He is highly critical of the Premier League’s leadership. “Who knows where it’s going to end? Probably with more clubs losing their soul.” Murray elaborates on this more in a chat about the book. “We've got a fantastic club, lots of youngsters, ladies, great mix, generations, really proper football club and we're very fortunate to have the owner we've got, but I didn't do the book because I'd been in the game so long again, and I did St George's Park and Wembley, I thought I should voice my concerns, that's to the advantage you spend a bit of time and effort on sportswashing, because it's quite new in the north east. That's where I am, I put my head above the parapet really, I didn't write the book to do sportswashing to be truthful. It's the issue isn't it.” Murray hones in on what this is in the book. “Sportswashing presents huge concern for the future. It’s money through the back door that hopefully will be investigated properly. And it goes back to that old chestnut of the supporter not being able to influence the thing he or she loves. In fact, it’s even worse: supporters are now turning their heads and not looking where the cash comes from as long as they are winning trophies or qualifying for Europe – that’s the ultimate triumph of sportswashing.” Speaking now, he brings much of this down to a core driving motivation. “There’s a lot of self interest because we have to win games. But football should be for the good of society. That's what we're all about really isn't it. “It reflects on them, because it's the power of the brand. We can get people to live better lives due to the crest. “That’s what the game's about.” Sir Bob Murray’s book can be bought at www.sirbobmurraybook.com, with 100% of the cover price going to the Foundation of Light Read More Eddie Howe’s tactical move exposes Newcastle weakness in Dortmund ‘lesson’ Newcastle given reality check as summer decision returns to haunt them One of those nights – Eddie Howe bemoans fine margins after Newcastle defeat Eddie Howe’s tactical move exposes Newcastle weakness in Dortmund ‘lesson’ Newcastle given reality check as summer decision returns to haunt them One of those nights – Eddie Howe bemoans fine margins after Newcastle defeat

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By Andrew Chung The U.S. Supreme Court on Friday lifted restrictions imposed by lower courts on the ability